A collection of 76 posts
The difference between the civil rights movement and CRT isn’t one of degree or shade. It’s foundational.
Under this policy, declaring one’s pronouns is required when people introduce themselves in court whether they present in keeping with their biological sex or not.
The ranks of this new ruling class are refreshed by immigrant academics who come to understand themselves in the way progressivism understands them: as minorities who can also act victim-like if they want—a precious endowment in the cultural academic market.
Relegating police training to outside universities smacks of duty shirking; it should be the responsibility (and purview) of police departments to train law enforcement professionals effectively.
Depp has found that using the law to defend your reputation is a very expensive way of shattering it.
The time has come for a serious conversation about police brutality, criminal justice reform, and how political polarization prevents progress.
Moreover, proponents of lowering the bar aren’t always acting on social-justice motives.
Lawyers like to joke that a ruling is probably correct if both sides are equally upset by it.
Pell became a public target onto which a deep well of private resentment—much of which was wholly irrelevant to his own conduct—could be directed when the opportunity arose.
The self-exoneration and re-incrimination of Jens Soering.
The fight to enshrine the right to unrestricted abortion in law is based on ideological feminism’s two main premises: victimization and what I call “undifferentiation.”
Several factors cast doubt on the accuracy and/or veracity of the complainant’s account.
The more someone invests in a lie, the more painful it becomes to renounce.
The story of the ITN trip to Bosnia—and the bitter quarrel about its reporting that followed—is a cautionary tale about the destructive and deranging effects of ideological hubris.
The U.S. abortion debate has raged for generations, and remains divisive to this day.