A collection of 14 posts
On 10 May, US historian Jeffrey Herf spoke at a small café in Berlin established to discuss antisemitism and the Western Left’s growing hostility to the state of Israel.
This is not the first time Germany has resorted to censorship in the mistaken belief that the state can contain dangerous ideas. The last time they tried this, it facilitated the rise of the Nazis.
Friedrich Merz must take the concerns of ordinary citizens seriously—particularly on immigration and Islam. He must prove that such concerns can be addressed without veering into extremism.
The parallels between Nazism and communism complicate the standard left–right divide.
In Central and Eastern Europe, the more extreme wing of the continent’s radical Right is gaining ground.
European leaders are struggling to cope with the multiple crises now facing the beleaguered continent.
While Islam traditionally treated Jews with contempt, antisemitic conspiracy theories imported from Germany escalated this animosity by vilifying Jews as agents of diabolical evil.
In a forthcoming book, Lyndal Roper argues that the German Peasants’ War of 1524–25 was a missed opportunity to enshrine a Christian theology centred on equality and brotherhood.
Iona Italia talks to Gerfried Ambrosch about pro-Israel feeling on the German Left, antisemitism among Muslim immigrants and why Israel’s safety is “Germany’s reason of state.”
Many German leftists, mindful of the country’s past, still support Israel. But they risk being outnumbered by antisemitic Muslim immigrants and by decolonialist radicals.
Government data about German antisemitism, widely cited in the English-language press, is wrong.
During the fierce debate over the Iraq war, the German political scientist Karl Kaiser said, “Europeans have done something that no one has ever done before: create a zone of peace where war is ruled out, absolutely out.” And, he added, “Europeans are convinced that this model is valid for
The Berlin winter sky is orange one evening as we turn off Oranienburger Strasse into Tacheles courtyard, where a Trabant is planted nose-first in the sand, a laconic memorial to a lifestyle that no longer exists.
Adorno was smuggling a work of social analysis full of difficult philosophical references into his readers’ reach by disguising it as literature.